紐約時報報導的台灣228大屠殺

589

228大屠殺 - 紐約時報1947年3月29號 中英譯全文228大屠殺 - 紐約時報1947年3月29號 中譯全文

原文出處: http://www.taiwandc.org/hst-1947.htm

1947/3/29紐約時報
Tillman Durdin報導

譯者: Tainanht
恐怖台灣
From The Nation , 1947年5月24日
by Peggy Durdin
中國人殺害平和的示威者. 據信10000個福爾摩沙人遭屠殺.




1947/3/28 中國南京

一群剛從福爾摩沙（Formosa）回到中國的外國人，確認報導中，一個月前中國軍隊跟警察在福爾摩沙的反政府示威行動中，所進行的大規模屠殺。
據這些目擊者的估計，約有一萬名福爾摩沙人民被中國武裝部隊殺害，而從示威活動的本質來看，這起屠殺行動被形容為「完全不具正當性」。
當初發起反政府示威行動的民眾並沒有武裝，而其理念是和平示威。每則傳到南京的外電報導均否認這起民眾示威遊行是由共產黨或日本所鼓動的指控。
幾天前離開福爾摩沙的外國人表示，雖然各地大致已恢復秩序,
但是氣氛肅殺.當地的處死及逮捕行動仍然持續著，而很多當地居民都往山上逃，他們不敢回家，以免遭到殺害。

*三天的屠殺
一位剛從台北來到中國的美國人表示，來自中國的軍隊在3月7號抵達台北，並在三天期間，不分青紅皂白的進行屠殺及掠奪。他們在街上看到人就射殺，闖入民宅並殺害屋主，在貧民區的街上則是死屍遍佈。美國人又提到，街上還有無頭屍身及肢體的屍塊，女人也遭到強暴。
兩名在屏東及高雄附近的外國女性，指稱中國軍人的行為根本是一起「大屠殺」。她們說，沒有武裝的福爾摩沙民眾在3月4號以和平手段接手城裡的行政中心，並藉由地方廣播電台，強烈呼籲反對暴力行為。
當地福爾摩沙的領導階層款待並邀請中國人一起午餐.但過不了多久，一群更大規模的中國軍隊來到鎮上並進行武力掃蕩。民眾被機關槍掃射，軍隊圍捕民眾並槍殺。一位城裡的發言人亦遭殺害，他的屍體被棄置公園，沒有人可獲准去搬移他的屍體。
據另一位英國人描述，高雄也發生類似情況，非武裝民眾接管城鎮的運\作，他說隔幾天後，城外圍碉堡裡的中國軍隊部署到街上，用機關槍、來福槍射殺數百群眾，並對居民姦淫擄掠。當地領導階層都被捕入獄並捆綁，緊綁的細纜線甚至嵌進肉裡。\\n
*傳單誘捕
外國目擊者報導，飛機上散發著由最高統帥蔣介石所署名的傳單，內容是勸說、並承諾寬待那些逃離的人民回來，而結果是，很多回來的民眾被囚禁或處死。 一位外國人聲稱：就像是有一種政策，企圖將那些最優秀的人都殺光。
這些外國人的描述，都與位於南京的各重要外國大使館的報告相同。
福爾摩沙人尋求聯合國的介入，有些人跟外國大使接觸，希望將福爾摩沙列為聯合國最高指揮部的管轄區，或是直接接受美國保護。因為這起屠殺事件，更深化了福爾摩沙人民對於中國的敵意。
兩個在屏東的女人說當福爾摩沙人接管市政時,他們是唱著'星條旗歌'.
***************************
事情開始於台北街頭. 時值二月二十七日,一個隸屬於台灣菸酒專賣局的刑警看到一個婦人正在販賣私煙.
當他要沒收她的物品和錢時,這婦人試圖掙脫逃跑.他毫不留情地以槍拖重擊婦人頭部,使得她當場癱死在地.
圍觀的民眾忿怒地將這警察包圍,但這警察竟向群眾開槍,因此導致數人受傷,並有一人死亡.
在經歷了一年半的無能,專制,並且腐化不堪的統治後,台籍民眾對國民黨政府所積蓄的怨懟情緒終於爆發成對中國統治者的非武力示威.
而中國統治者卻以殘暴的武力鎮壓,恐嚇及大規模屠殺,來撲滅這場示威反抗.一開始,士兵和警察是胡亂地見人即開槍掃射,此舉即造成了數千人死亡;而過後,他們則有計劃地選擇謀\害對象,針對學生,學者,有地位的商人和士紳等台籍精英展開拘捕即殺害.在台的外國人估計迄今至少已有五千人被害,而這場屠殺現在還繼續進行中.
最高行政首長陳儀把民眾對無能政府的示威解讀成本地台人反抗中國政府的行動.而南京政府再次以它每逢政治和經濟危機的主要解決方式----訴諸武力,來對待人民.儘管南京政府進行了嚴格的新聞箝制審查,並夾雜著不實的官方報導,但是在福爾摩沙所發生的悲慘三月屠殺的真相,終於還是傳到這裡了.
國民黨政府擁有並控制了整個台灣的經濟----只為了它自己的政權利益及剝削人民.而一項被嚴格控制進口買賣的物品即是香煙,因此造成許多台灣街頭小販賣私煙.這婦人就是在政府緝查私煙的行動中被殺.
這起於婦人被殺而引起的騷亂並不是有計劃的革命行動,而是積怨已深的民眾針對專賣刑警及其背後所代表的國家特權剝削集團的情緒發洩.無武裝的人民遊行到政府機關要求對過失警察加以懲處,對死傷者予以補償和開除香煙公賣局長.
他們在公賣局前徒手打死兩名警察,並放火燒掉一堆香煙.而防衛陳儀辦公室的警衛則以機槍掃射並無挑臖行為的聚集民眾.
此時陳儀困守在辦公室內,對情勢失去控制.商家關閉,大眾運\輸停擺.
聚集的民眾還是沒有武裝,便只徒手毆打一些中國人,並把它們的財產燒掉,但無論如何,仍保留他們的房子. 而當陳儀忙著以廣播放送和解的承諾時,成卡車的警察卻在街上掃射示威群眾.
在這段期間內,沒有一個外國人曾經看過一個有武裝的台灣人.
狡詐的陳儀一邊假意請求民眾與之和談,一邊卻靜待軍隊支援.在三月二日時,陳儀在廣播中說他愛惜台灣人,並保證:
1. 沒有人會因為此動亂而遭清算懲罰
2. 死者家屬會以金錢補償
3. 成立一個事件調解委員會來解決爭端
委員會是由外省人和台灣人代表共同組成,在三月十日時,這個委員會呈給陳儀他們對政府改革的建議.而如今(譯註:指5月24日),大部份的台灣代表已遭處決.
經由委員會的努力,台北和基隆平靜下來.由學生組成的糾察隊巡邏街市,維持秩序.同樣的,許多其中的學生,如今也不幸身亡.
但是這場騷動卻由台北傳到全台灣.在三月初時,幾乎所有市鎮的行政權已由台灣人接管.而所有的資料都顯示,接管過程幾乎沒有武力衝突發生.暴力僅限於肢體毆打,但的確是一些有公務人員被殺.
在三月七日,委員會提出了一份合理的建議書,其中包括下列幾點:
1. 台灣是省,而非殖民地
2. 六月前民選省市長
3. 台灣人得以加入警察和司法機關
4. 廢除特務機關和禁止政治性的拘捕
5. 保障新聞,言論自由和罷工的權利
6. 公家事業的經理人為台灣人
7. 成立委員會以監督從日本政府接收的企業和工廠
8. 取消專賣權
9. 保障高山族(即原住民)的經濟利益
10. 陸海空三軍應盡量讓台灣人加入
11. 釋放所謂的台籍日兵戰犯
12. 中央政府償還徵用的稻米和砂糖
13. 廢除警備總部,以防止軍權濫用

委員會提出的這些建議並非最後通牒,而只是作為協商的基礎而已.而陳儀答應了其中的大部份.
三月八日中午,第四憲兵團的指揮官告訴委員會說有關於政治改革的建議是”合理的”,但希望委員會不要廢除警備總部.
指揮官說:”我以個人生命保證,中央政府絕對不會採取軍事行動”
其實在這個時間點上,雖然台灣人是掌握了台灣大部份地區的行政權,但陳儀只需要誠\實地進行改革,還是可以與台灣人取得共識,使得南京政府還是能控制台灣,並且得到台灣人的合作.
但是陳儀根本無心妥協講和. 在他的認知,這根本就是叛亂.而他要徹底摧毀反抗勢力.
他欺騙,假意妥協,為的就是等軍隊到來.
到了三月八日下午,在毫無預警,台灣人也毫無挑臖行為的情形下,基隆和台北的街上突然槍聲大作.陳儀等待的軍隊從中國大陸來了.
這支援軍主要是由第二十一師所組成,原駐四川,出了名的殘暴凶狠.接下來的四五天,光是基隆台北地區就有上千名無武裝的平民被屠殺.諷刺的是,就在一年半前, 幾乎是同樣的民眾正歡欣的迎接中國軍隊.
配備機關槍和來福槍的士兵被成堆的卡車載入市區,沿街胡亂掃射;他們強要進入民舍,射殺第一個來應門的人,然後大肆劫掠.
浮起的屍體佈滿基隆港和淡水河;二十個男人慘遭閹割,耳朵被削掉,鼻子也被割下.一個外國目擊者看到憲兵斬斷一個少年人的手臂後,然後以刺刀狠戳入他的身體---就只因為他下單車不夠快.
政府的廣播勸說逃走的學生安心回來,但是一旦他們一到,立即就被處決.任何一個有名望的人都處在極大的危險下.
台北的這場屠戮直到三月十四日才慢慢平息.但全台各地,相同的驚悚殺害模式緊接而來.
228大屠殺 - 紐約時報1947年3月29號 英文原文
http://www.taiwandc.org/hst-1947.htm
March 29, 1947 - New York Times
---------------------------------------------------------------------
by Tillman Durdin

Formosa killings are put at 10,000
Foreigners say the Chinese slaughtered
demonstrators without provocation

Nanking, March 28, Foreigners who have just returned to China
from Formosa corroborate reports of wholesale slaughter by Chinese
troops and police during anti-Government demonstrations a month
ago.
These witnesses estimate that 10,000 Formosans were killed by
the Chinese armed forces. The killings were described as \"completely
unjustified\" in view of the nature of the demonstrations.
The anti-Government demonstrations were said to have been by
unarmed persons whose intentions were peaceful. Every foreign report
to Nanking denies charges that Communists or Japanese inspired or
organized the parades.
Foreigners who left Formosa a few days ago say that an uneasy
peace had been established almost everywhere, but executions and arrests
continued. Many Formosans were said to have fled to the hills fearing
they would be killed if they returned to their homes.

****** Three Days of Slaughter ******

An American who had just arrived in China from Taihoku said that
troops from the mainland arrived there March 7 and indulged in three days
of indiscriminate killing and looting. For a time everyone seen on the
streets was shot at, homes were broken into and occupants killed. In the
poorer sections the streets were said to have been littered with dead.
There were instances of beheadings and mutilation of bodies, and
women were raped, the American said.
Two foreign women, who were near at Pingtung near Takao, called the
actions of the Chinese soldiers there a \"massacre.\" They said unarmed
Formosans took over the administration of the town peacefully on March 4
and used the local radio station to caution against violence.
Chinese were well received and invited to lunch with the Formosan
leaders. Later a bigger group of soldiers came and launched a sweep through
the streets.
The people were machine gunned. Groups were rounded up and
executed.
The man who had served as the town's spokesman was killed. His body was
left for a day in a park and no one was permitted to remove it.
A Briton described similar events at Takao, where unarmed Formosans
had taken over the running of the city. He said that after several days
Chinese soldiers from an outlying fort deployed through the streets killing
hundreds with machine-guns and rifles and raping and looting. Formosan
leaders were thrown into prison, many bound with thin wire that cut
deep into the flesh.

****** Leaflets Trapped Many ******

The foreign witnesses reported that leaflets signed with the name
of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek promising leniency, and urging all who had
fled to return, were dropped from airplanes. As a result many came back
to be imprisoned or executed. \"There seemed to be a policy of killing off
all the best people,\" one foreigner asserted.
The foreigners' stories are fully supported by reports of every
important foreign embassy or legation in Nanking.
Formosans are reported to be seeking United Nations' action on their
case. Some have approached foreign consuls to ask that Formosa be put under
the jurisdiction of Allied Supreme Command or be made an American
protectorate. Formosan hostility to the mainland Chinese has deepened.
Two women who described events at Pingtung said that when Formosans
assembled to take over the administration of the town they sang \"The Star
Spangled Banner.\"



Terror in Taiwan
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Nation, May 24, 1947
by Peggy Durdin
---------------------------------------------------------------------------


On February 27 a policeman of the Taiwan (Formosa) Monopoly Bureau saw a
woman selling smuggled cigarettes on the streets of the capital, Taipei.
When he tried to seize her tray and money, she pulled away, and he struck
her a crashing blow on the head with his revolver butt. She died at his
feet. An angry mob gathered, and the police shot into the crowd, killing
one person and wounding others. Forthwith a year and a half of gathering
hatred for an inefficient, autocratic, corrupt administration exploded
into unarmed demonstrations against the mainland Chinese.

China put down the revolt with brutal repression, terror, and massacre.
Mainland soldiers and police fired first killing thousands
indiscriminately; then, more selectively, hunted down and jailed or
slaughtered students, intellectuals, prominent business men, and civic
leaders. Foreigners estimate that at least five thousand Taiwanese were
killed and executions are still going on.

Governor General Chen Yi has turned a movement against bad government into
one against any Chinese government. Nanking has again demonstrated that
its chief solution for political and economic crisis is force. In spite
of a curtain of censorship and official misrepresentation, the tragic
events that took place in Formosa in March are well known here.

The Chinese government owns, controls, and operates -- for government profit
and personal squeeze -- almost the entire economy of Taiwan. one of the
articles whose importation and sale are rigidly controlled is tobacco. Many
Taiwanese street venders sell smuggled cigarettes. It was in the course
of a campaign against the sale of smuggled goods that the woman was killed
in Taipei.

The rioting which followed was not consciously revolutionary but was against
the hated monopoly police which symbolized for the people the government's
exploitation of their island. Unarmed processions marched to the government
offices to demand punishment of the policemen, compensation for the dead and
wounded, and dismissal of the head of the tobacco monopoly. They beat to
death two policemen in front of the tobacco monopoly's office and burned the

stocks of tobacco. Police guarding the Governor's office raked the crowd
with machine-gun fire without provocation.

Barricaded in its offices, the government lost control of the city. Shops
closed. Transportation broke down. Mobs of Taiwanese, still unarmed, beat
up a number of mainland Chinese and burned their possessions, though not
their homes. Truckloads of police rushed through Taipei's streets machine
gunning the demonstrators while Governor Chen Yi was busily broadcasting
conciliatory promises. During this period not a single foreigner saw an
armed Taiwanese.

With calculated trickery Chen Yi continued his efforts to appease the
people while he waited for military reinforcements. On March 2, over the
radio, he expressed his love for the Taiwanese, and promised that noone
would be prosecuted for rioting, that the families of the dead would be
compensated, and that he would appoint a committee to settle the incident.
This group composed of mainlanders and representative Taiwanese, most of
whom have since been shot, was to be known as the \"Committee to Settle the
February 28th Incident\" and was to present to him by March 10 their
suggestions for the reform of the administration.

Though efforts of the committee Taipei and the near by port of Keelung
became quiet. Students patrolled the streets, keeping order. Many of
these students are now dead.

Meanwhile the spark ignited in Taipei had spread down the whole length
of Taiwan. In the first few days of March the Taiwanese took over the
administration of almost every city. As far as can be discovered, they
seized control in most instances without the use of firearms. Violence
was usually limited to beatings, though some officials were killed.

On March 7 Chen Yi's committee handed in its recommendations. Reasonably
enough, they included the following: that Taiwan be given provincial, not
colonial status; that provincial magistrates and city mayors be elected
before June; that a larger proportion of Taiwanese be given administrative,
police, and judicial posts; that all special police be abolished and no
political arrests be permitted; that freedom of press and speech and the
right to strike be granted; that managers of all public enterprises be
Taiwanese; that committees be elected to supervise these public enterprises
and the factories taken over from the Japanese; that the trade and
monopoly bureaus be abolished; that the political and economic rights of
aborigines be guaranteed; that Taiwanese be appointed to as many army,
navy, and airforce posts in Taiwan as possible; that detained \"war
criminals\"
be released (Taiwan was part of the Japanese Empire for fifty-one years);
that the central government repay Taiwan for the expropriated sugar and
rice; that garrison headquarters be abolished \"to avoid misuse of military
might.\" These proposals were not presented as an ultimatum. They were
clearly a basis for negotiation. Chen Yi had already agreed to most of the
points.

At noon on March 8 the commander of the Fourth Gendarme Regiment told the
committee that its demands for political reform were \"proper,\" but asked
that it withdraw its demand for the abolition of garrisons. He said, \"I
will guarantee with my life that the central government will not take
military action against Taiwan.\" At this point, although most of the
island was still in the hands of the people, Chen Yi could have reached
an agreement with them which would have insured the Nanking government's
continued control of Taiwan and the cooperation of the Taiwanese. He only
needed to move honestly toward reform. But he had at no time any intention
of establishing peace by compromise. This was revolt; he would crush it.
He was obliged to temporize and deceive until his troops arrived.

On the afternoon and evening of March 8, without warning or provocation,
the streets of Keelung and Taipei were cleared with gunfire to cover the
entry of mainland troops. These reinforcements consisted mainly of the
Twenty-first Division, a Szechuan outfit with a reputation for brutality.
In the next four or five days more than a thousand unarmed Taiwanese in the
Taipei-Keelung area alone were massacred. A year and a half earlier many
of them had joyously welcomed the arrival of the Chinese troops. Now
truckloads of soldiers armed with machine guns and automatic rifles shot
their way through the streets. Soldiers demanded entry into homes, killed
the first person who appeared, and looted the premises. Bodies floated
thick in Keelung harbor and in the river which flows by Taipei. Twenty
young men were castrated, their ears cut off, and their noses slashed. A
foreigner watched gendarmes cut off a young boy's hands before bayoneting
him because he had not dismounted from his bicycle quickly enough. The
radio advised students who had fled from the city to return to their
homes, but when they did so they were killed. Any prominent person was in
grave danger.

By March 14 the killing had tapered off in Taipei. In other cities the
terror followed the same pattern.

589

228大屠殺 - 紐約時報1947年3月29號 中英譯全文228大屠殺 - 紐約時報1947年3月29號 中譯全文

原文出處: http://www.taiwandc.org/hst-1947.htm

1947/3/29紐約時報
Tillman Durdin報導

譯者: Tainanht
恐怖台灣
From The Nation , 1947年5月24日
by Peggy Durdin
中國人殺害平和的示威者. 據信10000個福爾摩沙人遭屠殺.




1947/3/28 中國南京

一群剛從福爾摩沙（Formosa）回到中國的外國人，確認報導中，一個月前中國軍隊跟警察在福爾摩沙的反政府示威行動中，所進行的大規模屠殺。
據這些目擊者的估計，約有一萬名福爾摩沙人民被中國武裝部隊殺害，而從示威活動的本質來看，這起屠殺行動被形容為「完全不具正當性」。
當初發起反政府示威行動的民眾並沒有武裝，而其理念是和平示威。每則傳到南京的外電報導均否認這起民眾示威遊行是由共產黨或日本所鼓動的指控。
幾天前離開福爾摩沙的外國人表示，雖然各地大致已恢復秩序,
但是氣氛肅殺.當地的處死及逮捕行動仍然持續著，而很多當地居民都往山上逃，他們不敢回家，以免遭到殺害。

*三天的屠殺
一位剛從台北來到中國的美國人表示，來自中國的軍隊在3月7號抵達台北，並在三天期間，不分青紅皂白的進行屠殺及掠奪。他們在街上看到人就射殺，闖入民宅並殺害屋主，在貧民區的街上則是死屍遍佈。美國人又提到，街上還有無頭屍身及肢體的屍塊，女人也遭到強暴。
兩名在屏東及高雄附近的外國女性，指稱中國軍人的行為根本是一起「大屠殺」。她們說，沒有武裝的福爾摩沙民眾在3月4號以和平手段接手城裡的行政中心，並藉由地方廣播電台，強烈呼籲反對暴力行為。
當地福爾摩沙的領導階層款待並邀請中國人一起午餐.但過不了多久，一群更大規模的中國軍隊來到鎮上並進行武力掃蕩。民眾被機關槍掃射，軍隊圍捕民眾並槍殺。一位城裡的發言人亦遭殺害，他的屍體被棄置公園，沒有人可獲准去搬移他的屍體。
據另一位英國人描述，高雄也發生類似情況，非武裝民眾接管城鎮的運\作，他說隔幾天後，城外圍碉堡裡的中國軍隊部署到街上，用機關槍、來福槍射殺數百群眾，並對居民姦淫擄掠。當地領導階層都被捕入獄並捆綁，緊綁的細纜線甚至嵌進肉裡。\\n
*傳單誘捕
外國目擊者報導，飛機上散發著由最高統帥蔣介石所署名的傳單，內容是勸說、並承諾寬待那些逃離的人民回來，而結果是，很多回來的民眾被囚禁或處死。 一位外國人聲稱：就像是有一種政策，企圖將那些最優秀的人都殺光。
這些外國人的描述，都與位於南京的各重要外國大使館的報告相同。
福爾摩沙人尋求聯合國的介入，有些人跟外國大使接觸，希望將福爾摩沙列為聯合國最高指揮部的管轄區，或是直接接受美國保護。因為這起屠殺事件，更深化了福爾摩沙人民對於中國的敵意。
兩個在屏東的女人說當福爾摩沙人接管市政時,他們是唱著'星條旗歌'.
***************************
事情開始於台北街頭. 時值二月二十七日,一個隸屬於台灣菸酒專賣局的刑警看到一個婦人正在販賣私煙.
當他要沒收她的物品和錢時,這婦人試圖掙脫逃跑.他毫不留情地以槍拖重擊婦人頭部,使得她當場癱死在地.
圍觀的民眾忿怒地將這警察包圍,但這警察竟向群眾開槍,因此導致數人受傷,並有一人死亡.
在經歷了一年半的無能,專制,並且腐化不堪的統治後,台籍民眾對國民黨政府所積蓄的怨懟情緒終於爆發成對中國統治者的非武力示威.
而中國統治者卻以殘暴的武力鎮壓,恐嚇及大規模屠殺,來撲滅這場示威反抗.一開始,士兵和警察是胡亂地見人即開槍掃射,此舉即造成了數千人死亡;而過後,他們則有計劃地選擇謀\害對象,針對學生,學者,有地位的商人和士紳等台籍精英展開拘捕即殺害.在台的外國人估計迄今至少已有五千人被害,而這場屠殺現在還繼續進行中.
最高行政首長陳儀把民眾對無能政府的示威解讀成本地台人反抗中國政府的行動.而南京政府再次以它每逢政治和經濟危機的主要解決方式----訴諸武力,來對待人民.儘管南京政府進行了嚴格的新聞箝制審查,並夾雜著不實的官方報導,但是在福爾摩沙所發生的悲慘三月屠殺的真相,終於還是傳到這裡了.
國民黨政府擁有並控制了整個台灣的經濟----只為了它自己的政權利益及剝削人民.而一項被嚴格控制進口買賣的物品即是香煙,因此造成許多台灣街頭小販賣私煙.這婦人就是在政府緝查私煙的行動中被殺.
這起於婦人被殺而引起的騷亂並不是有計劃的革命行動,而是積怨已深的民眾針對專賣刑警及其背後所代表的國家特權剝削集團的情緒發洩.無武裝的人民遊行到政府機關要求對過失警察加以懲處,對死傷者予以補償和開除香煙公賣局長.
他們在公賣局前徒手打死兩名警察,並放火燒掉一堆香煙.而防衛陳儀辦公室的警衛則以機槍掃射並無挑臖行為的聚集民眾.
此時陳儀困守在辦公室內,對情勢失去控制.商家關閉,大眾運\輸停擺.
聚集的民眾還是沒有武裝,便只徒手毆打一些中國人,並把它們的財產燒掉,但無論如何,仍保留他們的房子. 而當陳儀忙著以廣播放送和解的承諾時,成卡車的警察卻在街上掃射示威群眾.
在這段期間內,沒有一個外國人曾經看過一個有武裝的台灣人.
狡詐的陳儀一邊假意請求民眾與之和談,一邊卻靜待軍隊支援.在三月二日時,陳儀在廣播中說他愛惜台灣人,並保證:
1. 沒有人會因為此動亂而遭清算懲罰
2. 死者家屬會以金錢補償
3. 成立一個事件調解委員會來解決爭端
委員會是由外省人和台灣人代表共同組成,在三月十日時,這個委員會呈給陳儀他們對政府改革的建議.而如今(譯註:指5月24日),大部份的台灣代表已遭處決.
經由委員會的努力,台北和基隆平靜下來.由學生組成的糾察隊巡邏街市,維持秩序.同樣的,許多其中的學生,如今也不幸身亡.
但是這場騷動卻由台北傳到全台灣.在三月初時,幾乎所有市鎮的行政權已由台灣人接管.而所有的資料都顯示,接管過程幾乎沒有武力衝突發生.暴力僅限於肢體毆打,但的確是一些有公務人員被殺.
在三月七日,委員會提出了一份合理的建議書,其中包括下列幾點:
1. 台灣是省,而非殖民地
2. 六月前民選省市長
3. 台灣人得以加入警察和司法機關
4. 廢除特務機關和禁止政治性的拘捕
5. 保障新聞,言論自由和罷工的權利
6. 公家事業的經理人為台灣人
7. 成立委員會以監督從日本政府接收的企業和工廠
8. 取消專賣權
9. 保障高山族(即原住民)的經濟利益
10. 陸海空三軍應盡量讓台灣人加入
11. 釋放所謂的台籍日兵戰犯
12. 中央政府償還徵用的稻米和砂糖
13. 廢除警備總部,以防止軍權濫用

委員會提出的這些建議並非最後通牒,而只是作為協商的基礎而已.而陳儀答應了其中的大部份.
三月八日中午,第四憲兵團的指揮官告訴委員會說有關於政治改革的建議是”合理的”,但希望委員會不要廢除警備總部.
指揮官說:”我以個人生命保證,中央政府絕對不會採取軍事行動”
其實在這個時間點上,雖然台灣人是掌握了台灣大部份地區的行政權,但陳儀只需要誠\實地進行改革,還是可以與台灣人取得共識,使得南京政府還是能控制台灣,並且得到台灣人的合作.
但是陳儀根本無心妥協講和. 在他的認知,這根本就是叛亂.而他要徹底摧毀反抗勢力.
他欺騙,假意妥協,為的就是等軍隊到來.
到了三月八日下午,在毫無預警,台灣人也毫無挑臖行為的情形下,基隆和台北的街上突然槍聲大作.陳儀等待的軍隊從中國大陸來了.
這支援軍主要是由第二十一師所組成,原駐四川,出了名的殘暴凶狠.接下來的四五天,光是基隆台北地區就有上千名無武裝的平民被屠殺.諷刺的是,就在一年半前, 幾乎是同樣的民眾正歡欣的迎接中國軍隊.
配備機關槍和來福槍的士兵被成堆的卡車載入市區,沿街胡亂掃射;他們強要進入民舍,射殺第一個來應門的人,然後大肆劫掠.
浮起的屍體佈滿基隆港和淡水河;二十個男人慘遭閹割,耳朵被削掉,鼻子也被割下.一個外國目擊者看到憲兵斬斷一個少年人的手臂後,然後以刺刀狠戳入他的身體---就只因為他下單車不夠快.
政府的廣播勸說逃走的學生安心回來,但是一旦他們一到,立即就被處決.任何一個有名望的人都處在極大的危險下.
台北的這場屠戮直到三月十四日才慢慢平息.但全台各地,相同的驚悚殺害模式緊接而來.
228大屠殺 - 紐約時報1947年3月29號 英文原文
http://www.taiwandc.org/hst-1947.htm
March 29, 1947 - New York Times
---------------------------------------------------------------------
by Tillman Durdin

Formosa killings are put at 10,000
Foreigners say the Chinese slaughtered
demonstrators without provocation

Nanking, March 28, Foreigners who have just returned to China
from Formosa corroborate reports of wholesale slaughter by Chinese
troops and police during anti-Government demonstrations a month
ago.
These witnesses estimate that 10,000 Formosans were killed by
the Chinese armed forces. The killings were described as \"completely
unjustified\" in view of the nature of the demonstrations.
The anti-Government demonstrations were said to have been by
unarmed persons whose intentions were peaceful. Every foreign report
to Nanking denies charges that Communists or Japanese inspired or
organized the parades.
Foreigners who left Formosa a few days ago say that an uneasy
peace had been established almost everywhere, but executions and arrests
continued. Many Formosans were said to have fled to the hills fearing
they would be killed if they returned to their homes.

****** Three Days of Slaughter ******

An American who had just arrived in China from Taihoku said that
troops from the mainland arrived there March 7 and indulged in three days
of indiscriminate killing and looting. For a time everyone seen on the
streets was shot at, homes were broken into and occupants killed. In the
poorer sections the streets were said to have been littered with dead.
There were instances of beheadings and mutilation of bodies, and
women were raped, the American said.
Two foreign women, who were near at Pingtung near Takao, called the
actions of the Chinese soldiers there a \"massacre.\" They said unarmed
Formosans took over the administration of the town peacefully on March 4
and used the local radio station to caution against violence.
Chinese were well received and invited to lunch with the Formosan
leaders. Later a bigger group of soldiers came and launched a sweep through
the streets.
The people were machine gunned. Groups were rounded up and
executed.
The man who had served as the town's spokesman was killed. His body was
left for a day in a park and no one was permitted to remove it.
A Briton described similar events at Takao, where unarmed Formosans
had taken over the running of the city. He said that after several days
Chinese soldiers from an outlying fort deployed through the streets killing
hundreds with machine-guns and rifles and raping and looting. Formosan
leaders were thrown into prison, many bound with thin wire that cut
deep into the flesh.

****** Leaflets Trapped Many ******

The foreign witnesses reported that leaflets signed with the name
of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek promising leniency, and urging all who had
fled to return, were dropped from airplanes. As a result many came back
to be imprisoned or executed. \"There seemed to be a policy of killing off
all the best people,\" one foreigner asserted.
The foreigners' stories are fully supported by reports of every
important foreign embassy or legation in Nanking.
Formosans are reported to be seeking United Nations' action on their
case. Some have approached foreign consuls to ask that Formosa be put under
the jurisdiction of Allied Supreme Command or be made an American
protectorate. Formosan hostility to the mainland Chinese has deepened.
Two women who described events at Pingtung said that when Formosans
assembled to take over the administration of the town they sang \"The Star
Spangled Banner.\"



Terror in Taiwan
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Nation, May 24, 1947
by Peggy Durdin
---------------------------------------------------------------------------


On February 27 a policeman of the Taiwan (Formosa) Monopoly Bureau saw a
woman selling smuggled cigarettes on the streets of the capital, Taipei.
When he tried to seize her tray and money, she pulled away, and he struck
her a crashing blow on the head with his revolver butt. She died at his
feet. An angry mob gathered, and the police shot into the crowd, killing
one person and wounding others. Forthwith a year and a half of gathering
hatred for an inefficient, autocratic, corrupt administration exploded
into unarmed demonstrations against the mainland Chinese.

China put down the revolt with brutal repression, terror, and massacre.
Mainland soldiers and police fired first killing thousands
indiscriminately; then, more selectively, hunted down and jailed or
slaughtered students, intellectuals, prominent business men, and civic
leaders. Foreigners estimate that at least five thousand Taiwanese were
killed and executions are still going on.

Governor General Chen Yi has turned a movement against bad government into
one against any Chinese government. Nanking has again demonstrated that
its chief solution for political and economic crisis is force. In spite
of a curtain of censorship and official misrepresentation, the tragic
events that took place in Formosa in March are well known here.

The Chinese government owns, controls, and operates -- for government profit
and personal squeeze -- almost the entire economy of Taiwan. one of the
articles whose importation and sale are rigidly controlled is tobacco. Many
Taiwanese street venders sell smuggled cigarettes. It was in the course
of a campaign against the sale of smuggled goods that the woman was killed
in Taipei.

The rioting which followed was not consciously revolutionary but was against
the hated monopoly police which symbolized for the people the government's
exploitation of their island. Unarmed processions marched to the government
offices to demand punishment of the policemen, compensation for the dead and
wounded, and dismissal of the head of the tobacco monopoly. They beat to
death two policemen in front of the tobacco monopoly's office and burned the

stocks of tobacco. Police guarding the Governor's office raked the crowd
with machine-gun fire without provocation.

Barricaded in its offices, the government lost control of the city. Shops
closed. Transportation broke down. Mobs of Taiwanese, still unarmed, beat
up a number of mainland Chinese and burned their possessions, though not
their homes. Truckloads of police rushed through Taipei's streets machine
gunning the demonstrators while Governor Chen Yi was busily broadcasting
conciliatory promises. During this period not a single foreigner saw an
armed Taiwanese.

With calculated trickery Chen Yi continued his efforts to appease the
people while he waited for military reinforcements. On March 2, over the
radio, he expressed his love for the Taiwanese, and promised that noone
would be prosecuted for rioting, that the families of the dead would be
compensated, and that he would appoint a committee to settle the incident.
This group composed of mainlanders and representative Taiwanese, most of
whom have since been shot, was to be known as the \"Committee to Settle the
February 28th Incident\" and was to present to him by March 10 their
suggestions for the reform of the administration.

Though efforts of the committee Taipei and the near by port of Keelung
became quiet. Students patrolled the streets, keeping order. Many of
these students are now dead.

Meanwhile the spark ignited in Taipei had spread down the whole length
of Taiwan. In the first few days of March the Taiwanese took over the
administration of almost every city. As far as can be discovered, they
seized control in most instances without the use of firearms. Violence
was usually limited to beatings, though some officials were killed.

On March 7 Chen Yi's committee handed in its recommendations. Reasonably
enough, they included the following: that Taiwan be given provincial, not
colonial status; that provincial magistrates and city mayors be elected
before June; that a larger proportion of Taiwanese be given administrative,
police, and judicial posts; that all special police be abolished and no
political arrests be permitted; that freedom of press and speech and the
right to strike be granted; that managers of all public enterprises be
Taiwanese; that committees be elected to supervise these public enterprises
and the factories taken over from the Japanese; that the trade and
monopoly bureaus be abolished; that the political and economic rights of
aborigines be guaranteed; that Taiwanese be appointed to as many army,
navy, and airforce posts in Taiwan as possible; that detained \"war
criminals\"
be released (Taiwan was part of the Japanese Empire for fifty-one years);
that the central government repay Taiwan for the expropriated sugar and
rice; that garrison headquarters be abolished \"to avoid misuse of military
might.\" These proposals were not presented as an ultimatum. They were
clearly a basis for negotiation. Chen Yi had already agreed to most of the
points.

At noon on March 8 the commander of the Fourth Gendarme Regiment told the
committee that its demands for political reform were \"proper,\" but asked
that it withdraw its demand for the abolition of garrisons. He said, \"I
will guarantee with my life that the central government will not take
military action against Taiwan.\" At this point, although most of the
island was still in the hands of the people, Chen Yi could have reached
an agreement with them which would have insured the Nanking government's
continued control of Taiwan and the cooperation of the Taiwanese. He only
needed to move honestly toward reform. But he had at no time any intention
of establishing peace by compromise. This was revolt; he would crush it.
He was obliged to temporize and deceive until his troops arrived.

On the afternoon and evening of March 8, without warning or provocation,
the streets of Keelung and Taipei were cleared with gunfire to cover the
entry of mainland troops. These reinforcements consisted mainly of the
Twenty-first Division, a Szechuan outfit with a reputation for brutality.
In the next four or five days more than a thousand unarmed Taiwanese in the
Taipei-Keelung area alone were massacred. A year and a half earlier many
of them had joyously welcomed the arrival of the Chinese troops. Now
truckloads of soldiers armed with machine guns and automatic rifles shot
their way through the streets. Soldiers demanded entry into homes, killed
the first person who appeared, and looted the premises. Bodies floated
thick in Keelung harbor and in the river which flows by Taipei. Twenty
young men were castrated, their ears cut off, and their noses slashed. A
foreigner watched gendarmes cut off a young boy's hands before bayoneting
him because he had not dismounted from his bicycle quickly enough. The
radio advised students who had fled from the city to return to their
homes, but when they did so they were killed. Any prominent person was in
grave danger.

By March 14 the killing had tapered off in Taipei. In other cities the
terror followed the same pattern.